Child Centered Approach Essays

Child Centered Approach Essays Child Centered Approach Essay Child Centered Approach Essay Child Centered Learning The student knows more than the teacher about what he has learnt even if he knows less about what was taught. (Peter Elbow) It is also referred as L] child centered pedagogy, CLC child centered education, C] child centered teaching 0 student centered teaching CLC or student centre learning. Child centered learning approach is a philosophy, not a methodology which is why there are so many different approaches and no two classrooms applying it will look the same. Child centered learning: The teacher challenges the children in a safe and respectful manner to develop (together and individually) their own lotions to problems given, thus encouraging cooperation, the development of life skills, their analyzing power, their capacity to organize themselves. From the definition: C]The children feel safe, encouraged, happy and empowered in school, and have more fun; their performances rise significantly and the drop out rates decline even more. L]Child centered learning approach is empathetically problem and process oriented Lot focuses on the needs of the students, rather than those of others involved in the educational process, such as teachers and administrators. Learning theories and theorists (This approach is influenced):

Free Essays on Role Models In Society

Typically we associate roll models as perfect members of society. A role model is the type of person that you would take home to meet the parents. A role model can be someone who fights corruption, helps society, or follows in the footsteps of religious figures. And most colleges hear of role models that tell them to achieve theirs goals they way they did by studying hard, making the right choices, and always putting school first. But my role model didn’t never went to school. In fact he didn’t make it past freshmen year in high school. But my roll model has done things that I can even being to imagine. From the time he was fifteen he has done everything from build race cars to work for NASA and even helped design and build the rides at Disneyland. He is my boss, Chief, which is a fitting name for one of the leaders in my life. I first met chief after 9 months of trying to get a job at a local stereo shop. I had only come into contact with his son, Jean, the manager. My goal was to just learn how to install stereos in exchange for doing odd jobs around the shop so eventually I was have the skill to have the job that most teenagers would die for. After 9 months of practically begging every Friday for work Jean let me have my chance. So I started my apprenticeship with chief was my mentor. It was and still to this day is one of the biggest challenges of my life. For chief it was him passing down his knowledge in a way to be sure that I do things right the first time. Many night we would be up until 1 or 2 am working until I understood the â€Å"lesson for the day† whether it be installing mobile video, doing layout design and production in the machine shop, or working on the dragster for one of his race teams. His teachings and discipline put me in a position that I wouldn’t even have i magined before I started working at the shop. After 1 year when I was 17 I was al of a sudden working on $70,000 hummers, $250,00... Free Essays on Role Models In Society Free Essays on Role Models In Society Typically we associate roll models as perfect members of society. A role model is the type of person that you would take home to meet the parents. A role model can be someone who fights corruption, helps society, or follows in the footsteps of religious figures. And most colleges hear of role models that tell them to achieve theirs goals they way they did by studying hard, making the right choices, and always putting school first. But my role model didn’t never went to school. In fact he didn’t make it past freshmen year in high school. But my roll model has done things that I can even being to imagine. From the time he was fifteen he has done everything from build race cars to work for NASA and even helped design and build the rides at Disneyland. He is my boss, Chief, which is a fitting name for one of the leaders in my life. I first met chief after 9 months of trying to get a job at a local stereo shop. I had only come into contact with his son, Jean, the manager. My goal was to just learn how to install stereos in exchange for doing odd jobs around the shop so eventually I was have the skill to have the job that most teenagers would die for. After 9 months of practically begging every Friday for work Jean let me have my chance. So I started my apprenticeship with chief was my mentor. It was and still to this day is one of the biggest challenges of my life. For chief it was him passing down his knowledge in a way to be sure that I do things right the first time. Many night we would be up until 1 or 2 am working until I understood the â€Å"lesson for the day† whether it be installing mobile video, doing layout design and production in the machine shop, or working on the dragster for one of his race teams. His teachings and discipline put me in a position that I wouldn’t even have i magined before I started working at the shop. After 1 year when I was 17 I was al of a sudden working on $70,000 hummers, $250,00...

Enterprise and Entrepreneurial Management Essay - 4

Enterprise and Entrepreneurial Management - Essay Example Yankee Clippers is a revolutionary innovation in men’s grooming, providing a variety of beauty services and products to the male clientele. The target market is the youthful male consumer, between ages 16 and 35, a market segment with the most revenue earnings potential for this business concept due to specific market characteristics, socio-economic demographics, and lifestyle relevancy associated with this brand concept. Outside of the traditional hairstyling service dimension, Yankee Clippers will offer consultation services, skin peeling and bleaching, and provide in-house merchandising talent as part of the sales model to generate more direct salesmanship and higher profitability through product sales commitments achieved with in-store patrons. Consultation services for men seeking beauty enhancement will generally occur via appointment in which 30-minute or 60-minute consultations will be contracted. The essential brand philosophy of Yankee Clippers (the organisational mi ssion) is that men will benefit from taking more proactive responsibility for grooming and beauty, offering consumers social competitive advantage through Yankee Clippers expert beauty systems operational model. Yankee Clippers will offer top-quality beauty and grooming products along a moderate pricing structure, procured from a variety of top-known beauty brands catering to the male consumer. The main branding goal of the organisation is establishment of service quality and product quality, which will ultimately provide justification for a premium service and sales model for the discriminating client in which beauty and grooming are significant lifestyle attributes and needs. Unlike other competition in this market, Yankee Clippers will differentiate through talent management modelling internally, exclusivity, and choice related to the premium positioning strategy. The beauty industry for men is growing explosively, providing excellent market opportunity so long as Yankee Clippers develops a strong emphasis on the marketing and promotional functions. In 1998, 42 billion USD were spent in salons (Hairstyles-7.com 2004). By 2004, nearly seven billion USD were spent on colouring treatments, hairsprays, shampoos, conditioners, and other relevant grooming products (Hairstyles-7.com 2004). This represents a significant market opportunity that continues to expand as more men become cognizant of the importance of grooming for social and professional growth. In 2010, as one example, L’Oreal experienced a 30 percent increase in sales revenue stemming from male grooming product sales (CBS Chicago 2011). The international and domestic sales markets for male grooming products continues to predict ongoing sales growth, in which Yankee Clippers believes it will be able to successfully capitalise to gain a prominent male-oriented, consumer-centric beauty business brand with superior competitive advantage in the local market. 2. Description of the business Brand recog nition and the pursuit of establishing brand loyalty and brand equity are the primary drivers of the Yankee Clippers marketing and sales model. In the UK, Yankee Clippers maintains minimal competition for male-centric beauty services, thus giving the business a competitive advantage immediately after launch. Marketing theory provides research-supported knowledge that brand loyalty is a product of companies that are

The Forced Marriage Legislation in the UK Research Paper - 1

The Forced Marriage Legislation in the UK - Research Paper Example â€Å"Marriage, whether civil or religious, is a contract, formally entered into. It confers on the parties the status of husband and wife, the essence of the contract being an agreement between a man and a woman to live together, and to love one another as husband and wife, to the exclusion of all others†. This is the universal and perhaps most comprehensive characterization of marriage. Among the most controversial aspects of this is the element of consent. This is encapsulated in the concept of a contract. In a contract consent that is not tainted by force or coercion is essential to its validity. Consequently, it is also a major of controversy for marriage. This is compounded by the fact that marriages as a social phenomenon are diverse and multi-faceted.The forces governing present society in the present have imposed significant challenges upon marriage. These adverse forces have given rise to a wide array of problems. The government today struggle tot to protect and uphold family and marriages by finding means to deal with the various problems that undermine them.This also challenges the state to uphold society’s many concepts of marriage while also containing negative elements attributed to it. Furthermore, it has to strike the balance between its power to regulate societ y, society’s right to culture and the welfare of its citizens. This is not a mundane task given the complexity involved and the magnitude of the harms involved society today.Among the malign realities faced by society today are â€Å"forced marriages.† This kind of marriage â€Å"is a marriage conducted without the valid consent of both parties, where duress is a factor. Duress can range from emotional pressure from family members to threatening behavior, abduction or imprisonment, and physical violence†.

FIN 300 - Principles of Finance for the Private Sector 1-8 Essay

FIN 300 - Principles of Finance for the Private Sector 1-8 - Essay Example 2009). Current ratio is obtained by dividing current assets by current liabilities while quick ratio is obtained the same way only that inventory is eliminated from current assets since it takes time to convert to cash. The two ratios indicate the level of liquidity and hence they help to maintain the required liquidity for retailers (Phillips et al. 2009). The higher the ratios the stronger liquidity is. Phillips, M. D., Volker, J. X., Anderson, S. J. (2009). A behavioral comparison of financial ratios for different size privately-held retail and service businesses. Journal of Behavioral Studies in Business, 1(1), 1-7. Residual value estimated is normally the amount that can be realized if the asset was to be sold after its useful life. However, most organizations take the estimated residual value to be zero. This method allocates equal amount to each year. Present value is the current value of a given future value of money or cash flow streams (Chiu2010). Compounding is process of finding the future value when the present value is given while discounting if the process of finding the present value when the future value is given. Gollier (2010) discusses the following differences. Future value of a lump sum is higher than future value of an annuity given similar factors. This is because the lump sum amount earns interest in all the periods while not all the annuities earn interest for the entire period. Long term bonds are those ones that have a longer maturity period. Interest rates are used as discounting rates in calculating the value of a bond. An increase in interest rate therefore reduces the value of a bond and this is a risk called interest rate risk. Short term bonds have a shorter maturity period and a fluctuation in interest affects income hence reinvestment risk. The value of a corporate bond is determined through the fundamental theory, where the value is the present value of the

Aeromedical Factors Essay Example for Free

Aeromedical Factors Essay One philosophy that some persons question, including a few of our own aviation medical examiners, relates to our greater flexibility in granting special issuances to private pilots as opposed to air carrier and other commercial pilots. The arguments against such flexibility rotate around the thought that, in the event of a medical incapacitation, an air carrier or commercial pilot usually has another pilot on board who can take control of the aircraft and safely land. In contrast, the private pilot often has no such safety net and, therefore, a medical incapacitation is likely to have severe safety consequences. In the case of the private pilot, I think we can be more flexible and allow that pilot to assume some risks for him or herself that we would not permit in air carrier or other commercial operations. This philosophy is frequently challenged regarding the safety of persons who fly as invitees of the private pilot. The risk derives not only from the medical status of the pilot, but the pilots proficiency and experience as well as the airworthiness of the aircraft. One might suggest that our approach, allowing greater flexibility in the medical certification of private pilots, constitutes experimentation with safety in private operations. This suggestion might have some validity if private pilots who are granted special issuances experience a significant number of medically related accidents. Humans regard vision as their most valuable sense, yet they fail to appreciate what a remarkable and complicated organ the human eye is. The rods are concentrated in a ring around the cones. Both the cones and the rods are used for vision during daylight and bright moonlight. The pilot should consciously practice this scanning procedure to improve night vision. It is important for the pilot to maintain good physical condition. While dim red lighting has the least adverse effect on night vision, it severely distorts colors. Older pilots may experience extreme difficulty in focusing the eyes on objects inside the cockpit. In addition to night vision, the pilot should also be aware of how to cope with illusions encountered during night flight. Refer to Advisory Circulars 61-23B, Pilots Handbook of Aeronautical Knowledge, and 61 21A, Flight Training Handbook, and the Aeronautical Information Manual for further information on the above subjects. The term hearing describes the process, function, or power of perceiving sound. The sense of hearing makes it possible to perceive, process, and identify among the myriad of sounds from the surrounding environment. Anatomy and Physiology of the Auditory System The auditory system consists of the external ear, ear canal, eardrum, auditory ossicles, cochlea (which resembles a snail shell and is filled with fluid), and the auditory nerve. Ambient sound waves are collected by the external ear, conducted through the ear canal, and cause the eardrum to vibrate. Sound waves are variations in air pressures above and below the ambient pressure. All sounds have three distinctive variables: frequency, intensity, and duration. Frequency is the physical property of sound that gives it a pitch. Since sound energy propagates in a wave-form, it can be measured in terms of wave oscillations or wave cycles per second, known as hertz (Hz). Sounds that are audible to the human ear fall in the frequency range of about 20-20,000 Hz, and the highest sensitivity is between 500 and 4,000 Hz. Sounds below 20 Hz and above 20,000 Hz cannot be perceived by the human ear. The decibel (dB) is the unit used to measure sound intensity. The range of normal hearing sensitivity of the human ear is between -10 to +25 dB. Sounds below -10dB are generally imperceptible. A pilot who cannot hear a sound unless its intensity is higher than 25 dB (at any frequency) is already experiencing hearing loss. Duration determines the quality of the perception and discrimination of a sound, as well as the potential risk of hearing impairment when exposed to high intensity sounds. The adverse consequences of a short-duration exposure to a loud sound can be as bad as a long-duration exposure to a less intense sound. Noise The term noise refers to a sound, especially one which lacks agreeable musical quality, is noticeably unpleasant, or is too loud. In other words, noise is any unwanted or annoying sound. Categorizing a sound as noise can be very subjective. The aviation environment is characterized by multiple sources of noise, both on the ground and in the air. Noise is produced by aircraft equipment-powerplants, transmission systems, jet efflux, propellers, rotors, hydraulic and electrical actuators, cabin conditioning and pressurization systems, cockpit advisory and alert systems, communications equipment, etc. All pilots know the sounds of a normal- functioning aircraft. The effects of pre-flight exposure to noise can adversely affect pilot in-flight performance. Types of Noise Examples: aircraft powerplant noise, propeller noise, and pressurization system noise. According to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), the maximum permissible continuous exposure level to steady noise in a working environment is 90 dB for eight hours. The eardrum may be ruptured by intense levels (140 dB) of impulse/blast noise. Effects of Noise Exposure Physiological Ear discomfort may occur during exposure to a 120 dB noise. Ear pain may occur during exposure to a 130 dB noise. Eardrum rupture may occur during exposure to a 140 dB noise. Temporary hearing impairment. Unprotected exposure to loud, steady noise over 90 dB for a short time, even several hours, may cause hearing impairment. This effect is usually temporary and hearing returns to normal within several hours following cessation of the noise exposure. Permanent hearing impairment. Unprotected exposure to loud noise (higher than 90 dB) for eight or more hours per day for several years, may cause a permanent hearing loss. Subjective Effects: Annoying high-intensity noise can cause distraction, fatigue, irritability, startle responses, sudden awakening and poor sleep quality, loss of appetite, headache, vertigo, nausea, and impair concentration and memory. Speech Interference: Loud noise can interfere with or mask normal speech, making it difficult to understand. Tasks that require vigilance, concentration, calculations, and making judgments about time can be adversely affected by exposure to loud no ise higher than 100 dB. How to Protect Your Hearing Limiting Duration of Exposure to Noise: OSHA-established permissible noise exposure limits for the workplace(Fiugure 2) (including the cockpit of an aircraft). Use Hearing Protection Equipment. If the ambient noise level exceeds OSHAs permissible noise exposure limits, you should use hearing protection devices-earplugs, earmuffs, communication headsets, or active noise reduction headsets. Even if an individual already has some level of permanent hearing loss, using hearing protection equipment should prevent further hearing damage. These protection devices attenuate noise waves before they reach the eardrum, and most of them are effective at reducing high-frequency noise levels above 1,000 Hz and/or for reducing noise levels to, or below, 50 dB. Earplugs. Insertable-type earplugs offer a very popular, inexpensive, effective, and comfortable approach to provide hearing protection. Communication Headsets. Active Noise Reduction Headsets. This type of headset uses active noise reduction technology that allows the manipulation of sound and signal waves to reduce noise, improve signal-to-noise ratios, and enhance sound quality. Active noise reduction provides effective protection against low-frequency noise. The electronic coupling of a low-frequency noise wave with its exact mirror image cancels this noise. * Combinations of Protection Devices. The combination of earplugs with earmuffs or communication headsets is recommended when ambient noise levels are above 115 dB. Earplugs, combined with active noise reduction headsets, provide the maximum level of individual hearing protection that can be achieved with current technology. [Editors Note: Be careful you dont muffle too much engine noise when you combine ear protection devices. Bibliography Aeromedical factors. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.free-online-private-pilot-ground-school.com/aeromedical.html Aeromedical factors. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ntc.cap.af.mil/ops/dot/school/CAPF5_Course/aeromedical.htm Aeromedical factors: cfi lesson plan. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://cfi-lesson-plans.com/aeromedical-factors/ Aerospace medicine human factors. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://aeromedical.org/avmed_home.php Office of aerospace medicine. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.faa.gov/about/office_org/headquarters_offices/avs/offices/aam/cami/

Understanding The Russian Sphere Of Influence Politics Essay

Understanding The Russian Sphere Of Influence Politics Essay The aim of this chapter is to bring out the elements behind Russias quest to maintain a sphere of influence around itself. In doing this, one should not just look at present Russian politics and recent attempts by Russia to restore its former sphere of influence. One has to look briefly into the history of Russia from the time of the Tsars and during the Communist regime. The Tsars had always desired to create a sphere of influence which would act as a belt of protection for Russia. One has to look at Russias geography to understand this key element in Russian foreign policymaking throughout the centuries. In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed and Russia lost various regions which were the ex-Soviet Republics. Since then, Russia has retreated progressively. NATO expanded eastward in Europe since 1994 causing Russia to be suspicious and resentful. After the September 11 attacks, the USA established military bases in Central Asian countries to support its military operations against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and initially Russian President Vladimir Putin gave his support, though he would resent long-term American military presence in what Russia perceives its sphere of influence. In the Far East, Russia faces a rapidly rising China as a potential superpower. So, it is understandable that Russian foreign policymakers have to counterbalance all these factors. Russia is not just a European power but also an Asian power. All these factors contribute to the multivector characteristic in Russian foreign policymaking. One must not forget that Russia also has its economic interests i n the Central Asian region and not just military and political interests. The setting-up of the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) show how Russia is trying to adapt to its loss of empire. One must not forget that the collapse of the Soviet Union took place twenty years ago and that Russia is still going through what is called its imperial syndrome. This chapter has the aim of demonstrating the change and continuity in Russian foreign policy through its history to the present day. 2.1 The Tsarist roots When Russia began to expand as an empire, the Tsars always had the intention to use to newly conquered lands as belts of protection around Russia. This can be traced back to the time of Ivan III, also known as Ivan the Great. He started by what historian call the collecting of the Russian lands which was followed by wars with Poland in the West (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 18). Ivan IV, known as Ivan the Terrible, conquered lands from the Tatars and Russia reached the Caspian Sea (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 19). In 1613, Mikhail Romanov was elected Tsar, hence starting the 304-year Romanov dynasty. Under his reign and his sons reign, Russia fought eight wars with Poland and it retook Kiev, which had the capital city of the first Russian state, the Kievan Rus (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 19). So, in this time frame, one can see Muscovy expanding its territory and sphere of influence. The ascension of Peter I, known as Peter the Great and his subsequent reign (1689-1725) had a lasting effect on Russian foreign policy. He is known for his secularization and modernization of the Russian Empire along European lines (Hosking, pg 76). He too focused on expanding Russian territory and had one of his first successes when he captured the fort of Azov from the Turks, thus giving Russia access to the Black Sea (Hosking, pg 76). He then proceeded to war with Sweden and the victories he attained there such as the capture of the river Neva in 1703, Narva and Dorpat in 1704, gave Russia access to the Baltic (Freeze, pg 114). The Treaty of Nystad with Sweden in 1721 crowned Russias achievements in the Baltic and Sweden lost its place as a European great power to Russia (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 20). With these conquests, Peter the Great brought Russia closer to Europe as he had always desired and Russian foreign policy took a new dimension from then on. In 1689, there was the Nerchinsk Treaty between the Russian Empire and China where the two powers agreed to divide their spheres of influence which led to China keeping Mongolia under its dominion and Russia keeping land north of the Amur river (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 20). After the death of Peter the Great, there was the Kyakhta where Russia and China agreed to set up formal diplomatic relations and paved the way for trade between the two powers (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 20). Under Catherine the Great, Russia continued to expand its territory and this is seen in the partitions of Poland which brought Belarus (White Russia), Lithuania and Western Ukraine under the Russian realm (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 20). Russias military forays southwards resulted in two wars with Turkey and these culminated in the treaties of Kutchuk Kainardji (1774) and the Treaty of Jassy (1792) which gave Russia control of the north Black sea coastline from Azov to Odessa (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 20). After the victory against Napoleon in 1815 and the Congress, Russias Tsar Alexander I was able to demonstrate Russian power to Europe (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 21) and Russia added Finland and lands in the south and Central Asia to its dominion. Nicholas Is reign (1825-1855) saw Russia turning its attention on the Ottoman Empire which was referred to as the sick man of Europe and this is seen in the Russian ambition to take Constantinople and get naval access to the Mediterranean Sea and the base at Sevastopol (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 21). However, one can see the role of ideology behind Russias expansionism such using the protection of Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire to justify its wars with Turkey, which one of them resulted in the independence of Greece (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 21). In the second half of the 19th century, Russia began looking eastwards again and started to violate the Treaty of Nerchinsk by penetrating deeper into Chinas territory. In 1860, Vladivostok was founded and in 1860, the two powers signed the Treaty of Peking where Russias new gains in the Amur region (legalized since 1858) were consolidated and China and Russia agreed on the new border along the Ussuri river (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 24). In Central Asia, Russia took Tashkent in Uzbekistan in 1865 and Merv in Turkmenistan in 1884 (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 24). To reassure Britain that it was not going to pursue its conquests south to India, Russia signed an agreement with Britain that it was going to limit itself to northern borders of Afghanistan (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 24). One must not exclude the ideology of Pan-Slavism from Russian foreign policymaking during the time of the Tsars which had considered Moscow as the Third Rome and the Tsar as the protector of all Orthodox Christians (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 25). This led to tensions with the Ottoman Empire resulting in a war in 1878. In the early twentieth century, Russia had tension with Japan over territories in the Far East and this culminated in a Russo-Japanese war in 1904-1905, which to Russias humiliation, Japan won (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 27). So, Russias ambitions in the Far East were limited to the northern part of Manchuria, the northern half of Sakhalin island and had to accept Koreas incorporation in the Japanese sphere of influence (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 27). What was the motivation behind the Tsars aim of expanding their realm? Robert H. Donaldson and Joseph L. Nogee give a variety of reasons. The geography of Eurasia may be one of the explanations for Tsarist Russia to acquire all those land to create a protective barrier around itself. Russia also wanted ice-free harbours which led to its ambitions to take harbours in the Black Sea and the Baltic as well as Pusan in modern South Korea culminating in the war with Japan in 1904-1905 (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 29). The autocratic ideology of the Tsarist system is also listed as a reason. The Tsars expressed their autocratic character by pushing for conquering of new lands and military expeditions (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 30). Even Henry Kissinger, in his book, Diplomacy, agrees with the view that Tsarist autocracy led Russia to behave in that way in the international relations of the time (Kissinger, pg 140) 2.2 Continuity under the USSR The continuity with the Tsars thinking was most clear under Joseph Stalins rule. In August 1939, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany signed an agreement known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact where they agreed to share Eastern Europe between their spheres of influence. Through the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, Russia regained those lands such as Eastern Poland, the Baltic states, Bessarabia and northern Bukovina (Kenez, pg 135). The motivation to expand Russias territory could not be clearer. In October1944, there was the Percentage Agreement between British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin to divide spheres of influences of their states in Eastern Europe (Dunbabin, pg 87). The element of continuity with the Tsars thinking of expansionism is clear. After the Second World War, the USSR did not make it a secret that it wanted to keep Eastern Europe under its orbit as well as export its Communist ideology throughout the world. The USSR was using the banner of Communism and proletarian internationalism to spread its influence around the globe. The West responded by the enactment of the Truman Doctrine which had the intention of containment (Best, Hanhimaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 220). In June 1947, the European Recovery Program, better known as the Marshall Plan was launched in order to help Europe recover and stem the tide of Communism (Best, Hanhimaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 222). This was part of the containment policy. On the 4th of April 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was set up to challenge Soviet hegemony (Best, Hanhimaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 223-224). The Soviet response was to create the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, COMECON in 1949 to create sociaist planned economies in Eastern Europe (Best, Hanh imaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 219). In 1948, the USSR expelled Yugoslavia of Jozip Broz Tito because Tito did not want to have Stalin dictating to him how to govern the country (Best, Hanhimaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 219). In May 1955, the USSR set up the Warsaw Pact as a response to NATO as Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev said we wanted to make an impression on the West (Dunbabin, pg 221). In 1956, Hungary under Imre Nagy rebelled because it did not want to remain under Soviet domination and left the Warsaw and the Soviets response was to send tanks to crush the uprising (McCauley, pg 340). In 1968, Czechoslavakia, under the leadership of Alexander Dubcek, attempted to create socialism with a human face, unlike the rigid Soviet communism which is known as the Prague Spring. Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev was alarmed by this since he feared it could spread and create a domino effect and the USSR would lose its sphere of influence in East-Central Europe. The USSR tried to exert pressure on Dubcek (Dunbabin, pg 568) but when it saw that it was not enough, it launched a military invasion on 20th August 1968 to crush the Prague Spring and remove Dubcek from power (Dunbabin, pg 569). This showed that the Sov iet Union feared that different interpretations of Marxism among its satellites would lead to collapse of Communism and lose its strategic sphere of influence. Due to the upheavals that took place, the Brezhnev leadership came up with the Brezhnev Doctrine which claimed that it was the sole right of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact to take action against socialist countries which deviated from Soviet Communism (Best, Hanhimaki, Maiolo, Schulze, pg 274). The message the USSR sent to the rest of the world was that it will not tolerate any changes to the political-economic system it had created in East Europe, its sphere of influence. This was because it felt highly threatened by those changes. The West gave its response in the Helsinki Final Act in 1975 where it accepted the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe but the USSR agreed to accept the human rights basket, which would have serious consequences for the USSR in the 1980s (Dunbabin, pg 571). 2.3 Post-Communist Russia and Sphere of Influence Thinking in Current Russian Foreign Policy At the collapse of the Soviet Union, many former Soviet Republics which were also part of the Tsarist Empire became independent. Russia had lost those lands which had provided a belt of protection for Russia for centuries. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991and up to the late 1990s, the newly constituted Russia began to use the term near abroad for its former Soviet republics (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 163). In this part, the setting up of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and Russias participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and their usefulness to Russia in maintaining its sphere of influence will be analyzed. This part aims to put under focus Russias aims and aspirations behind the setup of these organisations. The interests Russia has in keeping Central Asian states, Ukraine, Belarus and other ex-Soviet states will be analyzed. Russia has and still claims that it uses multilateralism to achieve its aims of maintaining its sphere of influence and checking other powers such as China in the East. To analyze this in more detail, the focus will be on Russias behavior both in the institutions it is part of and leads and its behavior towards the smaller ex-Soviet republics. Russias activities in the CSTO and SCO will also be analyzed as well as its successes and failures in preserving its sphere of influence. 2.3.1 What are Russias interests and motivations, and how does it view itself and the countries surrounding it? The best way to start the subject is to look into Russias interests. Historically, the ex-Soviet republics were part of the USSR and before the October Revolution of 1917. It is not restricted to this reason though. Russia has economic interests as well as competing new powers for influence. This is most felt in the Central Asian region. For Russian political analyst Dmitri Trenin, this is sphere of interest rather than sphere of influence, as he points out in his article in The Washington Quarterly. Trenin outlines three types of interests that Russia has the ex-Soviet states. The first includes the military and security reasons, secondly, Russias economic interests and thirdly, the cultural aspect. Regarding Russias security and military interests, Trenin mentions the CSTO as a way for Russia to maintain its influence and dominance in most of the ex-Soviet republics and also to combat Islamic extremist movements (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). Trenin goes on to refer to t he fact Russia would like the CSTO to on the same level with NATO and that this would create the new European security architecture thus leading to the legitimization of the primacy of Russia in its former Imperial and Soviet subjects (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). Trenin maintains that Russias intention is halt US and NATO encroachment in its perceived zone of responsibility and he refers to the August 2008 war with Georgia. By taking a heavy-handed attitude towards Georgia, Trenin suggests, Russia was sending a clear message to NATO that it would accept anymore intrusion in the ex-Soviet space (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). So, the real reason behind the war was Mikhail Saakashvilis explicit intention to get NATO membership for Georgia. Russia also thinks that the USA is using democracy encouragement in order to draw the ex-Soviet states away from Russias influence (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). The second reason, the economic interests of Russia, also cannot be ignored. Russia has millions of foreign workers who come from the CIS member states, a factor which gives Russia an upper hand in dealing with its neighbours (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). Another important economic factor is energy. The ex-Soviet states around the Caspian Sea are rich in energy resources and Russian energy companies such as Gazprom, the Russian state-owned gas corporation, would like to be the ones that have control over these resources especially oil and natural gas (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). Russia has also worked towards economic integration in Eurasia and this is seen in the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) and Russia has made no secret of its wish to have a customs union with Kazakhstan and Belarus (The Washington Quarterly, October 2009). So Russia also uses economic means to preserve its influence and its interests. In the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis, Russia has forked out billions in funds to help the economies of the former Soviet Republics to recover (The Washington Quarterly). Thirdly, there is the cultural aspect. Dmitri Trenin makes a reference towards the presence of millions of Russian inhabitants in post-Soviet countries and how the Kremlin tries to use the case of Russian minorities for its political advantage. This has been listed as one of the objectives of Russian foreign policy in the Russian Foreign Policy Concept of 2008 signed by President Dmitri Medvedev (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, 12th July 2008). This objective of Russia protecting ethnic Russians in the neighboring countries has also one been one of the first objectives of Vladimir Putin since he first came to power as Russian President in 2000, as outlined by Ingmar Oldberg in his article for the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (The Swedish Institute of International Affairs, 2010). Russia has been taking advantage of its cultural predominance to use the Russian minoriti es in the neighboring countries to preserve its influence and has used many methods to try to achieve its objective such as the media, issuing of passports and backing pro-Russian political parties in these states (The Swedish Institute of International Affairs, 2010). One has to appreciate the fact that Russian culture, especially the language is a very strong factor. 2.3.2 Organisations which Russia uses as part of its objective of preserving its sphere of influence In this section, the focus is on organisations such as the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The aim of this part of the chapter is to give a short history of each of these organisations and more importantly, Russias role in them and what Russia hopes to achieve by being active in these organisations. Is Russia using these organisations as a new way to portray itself as upholding the principles of multilateralism while at the same times keeping the post-Soviet republics under its influence? Does Russia behave as an equal partner or is it the dominant member due to its military strength? The best way to answer these questions is to analyse these organisations and Russias role in them. 2.3.2.1 Commonwealth of Independent States The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was born out of the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union. After the Soviet Union collapsed, 15 newly independent states emerged. Russia wanted to use the CIS in order for it to be able to maintain its influence in the newly independent states (Nogee and Donaldson, pg 165). It wanted to create The Baltic states kept away from joining and Georgia left the organisation after its August 2008 war with Russia. Ukraine, which in the early 1990s was under the leadership of Leonid Kravchuk did not want much integration in the CIS in order to preserve Ukraines independence (Donaldson and Nogee, pg 166). As a sign of continuity with the Tsarist and Soviet foreign policy thinking, Russia placed huge importance to the CIS as way of protecting itself with friendly countries, and this was mentioned in the 1993 Russian Foreign Policy Concept (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 154). With the establishment of the CIS, Russia was aiming for a common econ omic space, a common market, co-ordinated customs policies, cooperation in the environmental protection, developing communication and transport systems and combating organized crime (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 154). Much of these ambitions aims were not achieved and in 2005, President Vladimir Putin himself complained that the CIS did not achieve what Russia envisioned a decade earlier (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 154). Stina Torjesen, in a contribution to the book The Multilateral Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy, lists some reasons why Russia did not achieve as much as it hoped for in the 1990s regarding the CIS and CIS integration. Torjesen mentions reasons such as that coordination was not executed well, that when it came to implementing policies, Russia was either slow or didnt implement them at all, causing the other partners to be irritated, Russia in the 1990s was going through economic hardship which led to difficulty in implementing proposals and that Russias behavio r was still zero-sum instead of being a multilateral partner (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 155). Russia still sought to be the dominating party and sought primacy over other partners. So Russia deserves part of the blame for the failure to achieve the earlier objectives behind the creation of the CIS. Lilia Shevtsova, in her book Lonely Power, believes that Russia does not treat its neighbours as equals and cares about its primacy (Shevtsova, pg 90). Shevtsova makes a reference to a speech by President Dmitry Medvedev at the Council of Foreign Relations where the Russian President stated that Russia had a sphere of privileged interests (Shevtsova, pg 89). There were attempts by some post-Soviet republics to try to lessen their dependence on Russia and this is seen in organisations they set up such as GU(U)AM (Mankoff, pg 247). This consisted of Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan (which left the organisation), Azerbaijan and Moldova. GUAM as organisation was first set up in October 1997 (Tsygankov, pg 126). Uzbekistan left the organisation in May 2005 (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 173). After the summit in Kiev on 23rd May 2006, GUAM had a new name: Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM (Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM). The August 2008 war with Georgia also spoke volumes about Russias efforts to preserve its sphere of influence. Moreover in May 2009, Russia sent in extra 1,800 troops into Abkhazia and South Ossetia which inflamed suspicions in the West that Russia was up to its tricks again, that pursuing its domination of its neighbours as well as punishing Georgia for the pro-Western path it had taken (The Jamestown Foundation, 6th May 2009). After all, President Medvedev had made no secret of Russia wanting to be responsible for what he described as Russias privileged sphere of influence (The New York Times, 31st August 2008). US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and US President Barack Obama did not agree with Dmitry Medvedevs position (OpenDemocracy, 20th April 2009). Russias cutting of the gas supply due to a crisis with Ukraine was interpreted as Russia using its energy resources to punish those countries which took positions against Russia such as Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, claims which Russia denied and Russia counter-attacked by claiming it was a quarrel over payments (Valdai Club, 13th January 2009). Lately, Russia has had problems over gas with Belaruss President Alexander Lukashenko but analysts claim that Russia uses its position of energy supplier to bend its neighbours to its will. This was the case with Belarus in June 2010 since Russia had been very irritated with Lukashenkos lack of recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states and retaliated by banning milk from Belarus (The Economist, 24th June 2010). 2.3.2.2 Collective Security Treaty Organisation The Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) is the military organisation Russia uses in order to maintain its influence in the post-Soviet states. One has to remember that out of all the former Soviet states, Russia is the most militarily and economically powerful and these factors do give it primacy in the CSTO. From the beginning, Russia intended that the CSTO will be used to create protection and security for Russia by having an organisation which included the former Soviet states (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 182). Before the CSTO was established in 2002, there was an agreement, the Collective Security Treaty (CST), signed in May 1992 at Tashkent by Russia, Armenia and the former Central Asian Soviet republics but Turkmenistan remained out (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 183). After the fall of the USSR, Russia and the former Soviet states began discussing how to have a single military space under the CIS (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 183). So the CST, and later the CSTO, was to work under the CIS. The objective of a creating one military structure was not achieved because each state chose to have its national army but the CST helped to bring the new states armies to cooperate when a threat emerged (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 183). Throughout the 1990s, there were discussions on what type of military organisation the CST members national armies were going to set up (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 183). The discussions were between whether there should be a decision-making structure similar to the one of NATO, which the majority of CST members wanted, or having a hierarchical structure, as Russia and Uzbekistan wanted (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 183-184). In the end a mixture of both was chosen. One can remark that the fact that Russia wanted a hierarchical structure tells much about what its role in the CST was going to be. It sought to be the leader and not an equal with the other partners. By the mid-1990s, the CST had been successful in dealing with many challenges and Russia, through its military advantage, played a central role in helping Central Asian states to safeguard their borders and training their armies (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 184). But there was still no proper organisation of a supranational nature and this was seen in the civil war in Tajikistan in 1992, when the CST members did not work together and Russia and Uzbekistan helped the Tajik government (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 184). In 1993, peacekeeping troops from CST and CIS states Russia, Kazak hstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan did come to Tajikistan aid, but Russia was the dominant partner and its actions, such as supporting militarily the Tajik government of the day, were not multilateral (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 185). In this incident, one can see Russia acting as the dominant partner and this is something which the other states took note of. So Russia had some part of the blame for the failure to develop a fully-fledged multilateral military organisation. Its actions contradicted its objective of collective action. The maintenance of its sphere of influence was what mattered most. However, in the late 1990s, there was military cooperation between the CST members which was led by Russia such as military exercises in 1999 and 2000 (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 185). In October 2000, the CST members proceeded to cooperate on the issue of terrorism and this culminated in an agreement in Bishkek between Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to create an anti-terrorist center where they could share intelligence on terrorists (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 185). On May 25th 2001, cooperation increased and this led to the creation of the Rapid Deployment Forces to deal with security in the region (Eurasianet, 25th May 2001). This increase in cooperation led to the creation of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) in May 2002 with Russia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus and Armenia being the members (Wilson Rowe and Torjesen, pg 185). In October 2002, the Charter of the CSTO was signed and it came into effect from the 18th September 2003 (CSTO Official Website). In 2003, Russia began to improve on the already existing facilities at the airbase at Kant in Kyrgyzstan, and in 2006 added more personnel at the base (Mankoff, pg 268). After the 2005 Tulip revolution, the USA had to pay $200,000,000 yearly to keep its airbase at Manas while Russia did not have pay any rent, though it did provide military hardware to Kyrgyzstan (Mankoff, pg 268). In August 2008, after the war with Georgia, Russia asked the CSTO members to recognize South Ossetia (The Times, 30th August 2008) after China and four Central Asian countries had refused to recognize South Ossetia. This is another proof of how Russia wants to use the CSTO to be on par with NATO and trying to stop NATO from encroaching in its neighbourhood. In 2009, the Kyrgyz government announced to the USA that it was going to close down Manas airbase and this was soon after Russia promised more than $2 billion in aid to Kyrgyzstan on condition that the Kyrgyz government tells the US to leave the Manas Airbase (San Francisco Chronicle, 22nd February 2009). The Russia aim to keep Kyrgyzstan under its sphere of influence could not be clearer. On February 4th 2009, at a CSTO summit in Moscow, Russia and the other member states set up the Collective Rapid Reaction Force (CRRF) and it must be pointed out that Russia was once again the dominant player because it had the greater military power and it provided all the weapons, as Aleksei Malashenko from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Moscow) argued (Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty, 4th February 2009). This shows again how Russia uses the CSTO for its central objective of maintaining its sphere of influence. It claims that the CSTO is there to fight terrorism but Russia uses the war on terrorism to make the CSTO one of its foreign policy tools. In fact, one can see this when in the same summit, Uzbekistan demanded special concessions for itself as a condition to join the CSTO (RIA Novosti, 4th February 2009). In May 2010, Belarus decided to contribute over 2,000 personnel to the CRRF after its ratification of the Moscow agreement (RIA Novosti, 26th May 2010). Si nce then, the CRRF members have practiced military exercises in October 2010 (RIA Novosti, 22nd October 2010). However, there were some disappointments and the latest one has been during the political upheaval in Kyrgyzstan when President Kurmanbek Bakiyev was overthrown. Russia did not send peacekeeping troops as Medvedev said that Russia and the CSTO would not participate in Kyrgyzstans domestic unrest (Global Post, 15th June 2010). Russia caused disappointment by its behavior because it showed a lack of consistency and did not act with its CSTO partners to send a peacekeeping mission to Kyrgyzstan. This shows that Russia uses organisations such as the CSTO to give an image that it is working multilaterally with its partners, but in reality it does the opposite. 2.3.2.3 Using economic means to protect interests and maintain sphere of influence The Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) Russia does not only create military organisations to preserve its sphere of influence, but it also uses economic means. Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has tried hard to create customs union and foster economic integration in the CIS and recently it seems to have had some successes. Russia wants to follow the example of European integration and apply it to the CIS. The Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) is Russias tool to achieve this objective. Some of the objectives behind creating the CIS were to create a common economic space and a common market and deepening cooperat